About Lesonkiste

This page examines the habits, institutions, and political choices that can help Senegal turn solidarity into lasting national progress.

Curtailing the Power of the President of the Republic

No one is above the law—not the President, not ministers, not legislators, and not judges. Senegal needs a constitutional order built for its present reality and sovereign future, not a concentration of executive power inherited from colonial administrative traditions or preserved through later institutional habits. Reform must replace personal rule with enforceable checks, transparent government and equal responsibility before the law.

End the President’s unilateral power to dissolve the National Assembly

The President of the Republic should never be able to dissolve the National Assembly. Deputies receive a fixed mandate from the people, and that mandate should end only through the normal electoral calendar or a narrowly defined constitutional process initiated outside the presidency. Political disagreement, legislative resistance or the loss of a presidential majority must never be grounds for erasing the people’s elected representation.

No constitutional change without legislative and popular approval

The President should have no power to change the Constitution by personal initiative or executive pressure. Every amendment must receive approval from a qualified supermajority of the National Assembly after public hearings and publication of the proposed text. Any amendment affecting presidential powers, term limits, elections, fundamental rights, the judiciary or the balance of institutions should also require approval by referendum. Emergency procedure must never be used to rewrite the constitutional order.

A sovereign Constitution for contemporary Senegal

Constitutional reform should be written through an inclusive Senegalese process involving citizens, jurists, national-language communities, civil society, the diaspora, local authorities, religious and traditional voices, youth and women. The objective is not to erase every existing safeguard, but to remove inherited structures that place the state above the citizen and the presidency above other institutions. The final consolidated text must be published clearly in French and Senegal’s national languages so the people can know the law that governs them.

Presidential immunity must be removable

The National Assembly should have explicit authority, through a transparent vote by a defined qualified majority, to lift presidential immunity and authorize prosecution when credible evidence supports serious criminal allegations. Impeachment, removal from office and criminal prosecution must be distinct but connected procedures. An independent prosecutor and an impartial court—not the President’s political opponents alone—must control the criminal case, with full defense rights and public reasons for every decision.

Define treason precisely

“High treason” must cease to be a vague political expression. The Constitution and an organic law should define it through specific conduct, such as deliberately violating the presidential oath in a grave manner; organizing an unconstitutional seizure or retention of power; knowingly surrendering sovereignty or strategic national assets for unlawful personal benefit; ordering grave and systematic violations of constitutional rights; obstructing lawful elections; corruption or illicit enrichment tied to presidential authority; or collaborating with a foreign power to seriously damage Senegal’s independence, territorial integrity or constitutional order. Criticism, opposition, journalism, protest and policy disagreement can never constitute treason.

Abolish the presidential “caisse noire”

Secret discretionary presidential funds must be abolished. Every franc spent by the presidency should have a legal appropriation, a documented public purpose and an auditable record. Narrow national-security expenditures may remain confidential to the public only when strictly necessary, but they must still be reviewed by an authorized parliamentary committee and an independent public-audit institution. Confidentiality must never become immunity from accounting.

Mandatory declarations of assets

The President, Prime Minister, ministers, senior presidential staff, heads of major public institutions and other designated officials must file verified declarations of assets and interests before taking office, update them annually and file a final declaration after leaving office. The law should require disclosure of beneficial ownership, major liabilities, gifts and conflicts of interest; permit comparison with tax and property records; publish an appropriate public summary; and impose meaningful penalties for concealment, false declarations and unexplained enrichment.

An accountable judiciary that remains independent

Judicial independence cannot mean judicial impunity. Judges and prosecutors must be protected from presidential or partisan interference while remaining answerable to law, ethics and reasoned review. Misconduct, corruption, deliberate abuse of procedure and serious conflicts of interest should be examined by an independent disciplinary body with balanced membership, published standards, defense rights and appeal. Court decisions should be reasoned and published, case assignment protected from manipulation, and proven misconduct sanctioned without allowing political retaliation against judges for lawful decisions.

Constitutional context: The current text gives the National Assembly legislative and oversight functions and provides a parliamentary accusation procedure for presidential high treason. This proposal goes further by removing presidential dissolution power, defining treason precisely and strengthening financial and judicial accountability. Read the Constitution published by Senegal’s Constitutional Council.

A Warning Against Political Transhumance

Political transhumance—the abandonment of a movement’s commitments in order to join the party controlling the presidency—is not a harmless change of address. When people leave PASTEF at a difficult moment and seek protection, position or advantage beside those in power, supporters are entitled to judge that conduct as opportunistic, hypocritical and contrary to the patriotism they once claimed to defend.

Patriotism is fidelity to the people and to principles, especially when loyalty carries a cost. It is not changing political colors whenever personal interest points toward a more comfortable camp. Those who used PASTEF’s struggle, language or sacrifices to build their public standing and then abandoned the movement should be held politically accountable for that choice through facts, democratic debate and the memory of voters.

If PASTEF wins the 2029 presidential election, victory must not turn the movement into a revolving door for opportunists. This site’s position is unequivocal: those who abandoned PASTEF through political transhumance must never be accepted back into the party, regardless of later apologies, offers of service, electoral calculations or changes in power. Leaving the struggle for personal advantage is a final political choice, and future victory must not erase it.

Our warning is political, not dehumanizing: we reject insults that compare human beings to vermin. The stronger answer is to name the conduct clearly—political transhumance, broken commitment and self-interest—and to defeat it through organization, democratic participation, principled leadership and the ballot box.

Cultural Sovereignty, Faith, and Human Dignity

This site unequivocally and vehemently rejects and condemns homosexual acts as contrary to the moral values, religious convictions, traditions and culture it defends. Its position is not neutral or halfway: Senegalese society has the sovereign right to preserve its own conception of family and public morality. No foreign government, donor, corporation or international organization has the authority to compel Senegal to adopt a Western social policy through aid conditions, diplomatic pressure or economic coercion.

Islam guides the faith and moral life of most Senegalese citizens, and Islamic teaching does not accept homosexual conduct. Muslims and other religious communities must remain free to teach their beliefs, raise their families and defend Senegalese values peacefully and openly. Moral disagreement must be expressed without surrender, but it does not authorize assault, mob violence, harassment, blackmail, public exposure, torture or private punishment against any person.

Criminal punishment belongs exclusively to the lawful state. Conduct prohibited by duly enacted Senegalese law should be investigated and, when proved beyond the required legal standard in a competent court, punished to the full extent of that law. Senegal’s National Assembly adopted a 2026 proposal modifying Article 319; its binding effect depends on promulgation and official publication. No rumor or unsupported accusation may replace evidence, and no citizen may act as judge or executioner.

Source: Senegal Ministry of Justice: 2026 Article 319 proposal

Public Safety, Protection of Children, and Serious Crime

Concern about violent crime in Dakar and across Senegal requires a serious national response: reliable crime statistics, visible and accountable policing, faster forensic work, witness protection, functioning courts, support for victims and prevention programs for youth at risk of gang recruitment. Murder, intentional homicide, child rape, organized violent crime and repeat armed violence should receive severe sentences after a fair trial, with penalties proportionate to the proven offense.

Rape and sexual abuse of children are violent crimes against victims; they must never be confused with a person’s sexual orientation. Senegal’s Justice Ministry has emphasized stronger criminal protection against rape and pedophilia. Investigations should be trauma-informed, evidence-led and fast enough to protect children without sacrificing the rights necessary for a reliable conviction.

Senegal abolished the death penalty in 2004. This site calls for Parliament and the Senegalese people, acting through the constitutional and legislative process, to reinstate it for a narrowly defined category of the gravest crimes: premeditated or intentional murder, aggravated child rape and sexual torture, terrorism causing death, and exceptionally brutal gang violence causing death. “Pedophilia” here means proven criminal sexual acts against children—not rumor, accusation without evidence, or a person’s identity. Because an execution cannot be reversed, any capital statute must require conclusive evidence, competent defense, independent review, full appeal rights and protection against convictions based solely on confession or unreliable testimony.

When a non-citizen is convicted of a serious violent or sexual crime, deportation after completion of the sentence should be the required national policy wherever Senegalese law and applicable international obligations permit it. The removal decision must follow an individual legal process, verify nationality and destination, and never substitute nationality for proof of personal guilt.

Senegal should build additional secure prisons to end dangerous overcrowding and separate hard violent offenders from lower-risk detainees. Prison is punishment and public protection; it is not a hotel. The state need not promise air conditioning, entertainment or luxury. It must provide the lawful minimum necessary for daily survival and order: adequate food and drinking water, sanitation, basic ventilation, essential medical care, protection from torture and extreme heat, trained guards, court access and independent inspection. Facilities may be built in suitable interior regions, but location and design must support security, staffing, water supply and safe operation rather than deliberately using climate as an extra-judicial punishment.

Sources: Senegal Ministry of Justice on rape and pedophilia · Official record of Senegal’s 2004 abolition of the death penalty